{"title": "The Early Word Catches the Weights", "book": "Advances in Neural Information Processing Systems", "page_first": 52, "page_last": 58, "abstract": null, "full_text": "The Early Word Catches the Weights \n\nMark A. Smith \n\nGarrison W. Cottrell \n\nKaren L. Anderson \n\nDepartment of Computer Science \n\nUniversity of California at San Diego \n\nLa Jolla, CA 92093 \n\n{masmith,gary,kanders}@cs.ucsd.edu \n\nAbstract \n\nThe strong correlation between the frequency of words and their naming \nlatency has been well documented.  However, as  early as  1973, the  Age \nof Acquisition (AoA) of a word was  alleged to be the actual  variable of \ninterest, but these studies  seem to  have been ignored in  most of the lit(cid:173)\nerature.  Recently, there has been a resurgence of interest in AoA. While \nsome studies have shown that frequency has no effect when AoA is con(cid:173)\ntrolled for,  more recent studies have found independent contributions of \nfrequency and AoA. Connectionist models have repeatedly shown strong \neffects  of frequency,  but  little  attention  has  been  paid  to  whether they \ncan also  show  AoA effects.  Indeed,  several researchers have explicitly \nclaimed  that they  cannot  show  AoA  effects.  In  this  work,  we  explore \nthese claims using a simple feed forward neural network.  We find  a sig(cid:173)\nnificant  contribution  of AoA  to  naming  latency,  as  well  as  conditions \nunder which frequency provides an independent contribution. \n\n1  Background \n\nNaming latency is  the time between the presentation of a picture or written word  and  the \nbeginning of the correct utterance of that word.  It is undisputed that there are significant \ndifferences in the naming latency of many words, even when controlling word length, syl(cid:173)\nlabic complexity, and other structural variants.  The cause of differences in naming latency \nhas  been  the  subject of numerous  studies.  Earlier studies  found  that the frequency  with \nwhich a word appears in spoken English is the best determinant of its naming latency (Old(cid:173)\nfield  & Wingfield,  1965).  More recent psychological studies,  however, show that the age \nat  which  a  word  is  learned,  or its  Age  of Acquisition  (AoA),  may  be  a  better predictor \nof naming latency.  Further, in many multiple regression analyses, frequency is  not found \nto  be  significant when AoA  is  controlled for  (Brown &  Watson,  1987;  Carroll &  White, \n1973; Morrison et al.  1992; Morrison &  Ellis,  1995).  These studies show that frequency \nand AoA  are highly correlated (typically r = -.6) explaining the confound of older studies \non  frequency.  However,  still more recent studies  question this  finding  and  find  that both \nAoA  and  frequency are significant and contribute independently to naming latency  (Ellis \n& Morrison,  1998; Gerhand & Barry, 1998,1999). \n\nMuch like their psychological counterparts, connectionist networks also show very  strong \nfrequency effects.  However, the ability of a connectionist network to show AoA effects has \nbeen doubted (Gerhand & Barry, 1998; Morrison & Ellis,  1995).  Most of these claims are \n\n\fbased on the well known fact that connectionist networks exhibit \"destructive interference\" \nin which later presented stimuli, in order to be learned, force early learned inputs to become \nless well represented, effectively increasing their associated errors.  However, these effects \nonly occur when training ceases on the early patterns.  Continued training on all the patterns \nmitigates the effects of interference from later patterns. \n\nRecently,  Ellis  &  Lambon-Ralph (in press)  have  shown that when pattern presentation is \nstaged, with one set of patterns initially trained, and a second set added into the training set \nlater, strong AoA effects are found.  They show that this result is due to  a loss of plasticity \nin  the network units,  which tend to  get out of the  linear range with  more training.  While \nthis result is  not surprising, it is  a good model of the fact that some words may  not come \ninto existence until late in life, such as \"email\" for baby boomers. However, they explicitly \nclaim  that  it  is  important to  stage  the  learning  in  this  way,  and  offer no  explanation  of \nwhat happens during early word acquisition, when the surrounding vocabulary is relatively \nconstant, or why and when frequency and AoA show independent effects. \n\nIn this paper, we present an abstract feed-forward computational model of word acquisition \nthat does not stage inputs. We use this model to examine the effects of frequency and AoA \non sum squared error, the usual variable used to model reaction time.  We  find  a consistent \ncontribution of AoA  to naming latency,  as  well as  the  conditions under which there is  an \nindependent contribution from frequency in some tasks. \n\n2  Experiment 1:  Do networks show AoA effects? \n\nOur first  goal was to show that AoA effects could be observed in a connectionist network \nusing the  simplest possible  model.  First,  we  need  to  define  AoA in  a network.  We  did \nthis  is  such a  way  that  staging  the  inputs  was  not necessary:  we  defined  a threshold for \nthe error, after which we would say a pattern has  been \"acquired.\"  The AoA is  defined to \nbe the epoch  during  which  this  threshold  is  crossed.  Since error for a particular pattern \nmay occasionally go up again during online learning, we also measured the last epoch that \nthe pattern went below the threshold for final  time.  We  analyzed our networks using both \ndefinitions  of acquisition  (which we call first  acquisition  and  final  acquisition),  and  have \nfound  that the results  vary  little between these definitions.  In  what follows,  we  use  first \nacquisition for simplicity. \n\n2.1  The Model \n\nThe simplest possible model is  an  autoencoder network.  Using a network architecture of \n20-15-20, we trained the network to autoencode 200 patterns of random bits (each bit had a \n50% probability of being on or off).  We initialized weights randomly with a flat distribution \nof values between 0.1  and -0.1, used a learning rate of 0.001 and momentum of 0.9. \n\nFor this  experiment,  we  chose the  AoA  threshold to  be  2,  indicating an  average  squared \nerror of .1  per input bit, yielding outputs much closer to the correct output than any other. \nWe calculated Euclidean distances between all outputs and patterns to verify that the input \nwas  mapped most closely  to  the  correct output.  Training on  the entire corpus continued \nuntil 98% of all patterns fell  below this threshold. \n\n2.2  Results \n\nAfter the  network had learned the  input corpus, we  investigated the relationship between \nthe epoch at which the input vector had been learned and the final sum squared error (equiv(cid:173)\nalent, for us,  to \"adult\" naming latency) for that input vector.  These results are presented \nin  Figure  1.  The relationship between  the  age  of acquisition  of the  input vector and  its \n\n\f'1'$Iac:q llSlll C)n \n\n' 1'$Iac:qui sl lon reW\"\"sion -\nfinal oc;qllS~lon \nInalac:q''''l onmW''''slon \n\n... \n\n\" \n\n',~-;:,OOO-=~-----;~=-,----C_:::---=,OO,------,OO=,-----:~=---;:\"OO~~' \n\n'~,----C,oo:::---=~,-----;~=,~,oo=---=oo,~=~-----;ro=-,~\",~, ~~ \n\nEpDdlo1 L ....... In~ \n\nEpoMNlI'11Df1' \n\nFigure 1: Exp.  1.  Final SSE vs.  AoA. \n\nFreq.w:ncyDlAppe\"''''''''' \n\n, rT----~----~----~------, \n\nFigure 2:  SSs.m~t!:P~9!!..!?'y Percentile \n''-~~7\",.~~~\",~\"OO~' ~~~~~~--' \n\n~,staoq\"\"!\"\"\"\"IJ'assoon -\n\n\"nataoqu'srtoon \n',nataoqltlS,bon'''IJ'assoon \n\n\" \n\n,,~----~-===~,;,, ====~;===~ \n\nPallarnNumbe, \n\n\"!--'::'OO:-, ---:::'------:;:::-=MOO:-::'OO=\";--;;;;\",,:::-OO ---:,=.\"\":;--;:\"!::,,,,'---::!,,oo:::-, ---;:!\",oo, \n\nEpochDlLoatnlr'lg \n\n.' \n\nFigure 3:  Exp.  2 Frequency Distribution \n\nFigure 4:  Exp.  2 Final SSE vs.  AoA \n\nfinal  sum squared error is clear:  the earlier an input is learned, the lower its final error will \nbe.  A more formal analysis of this relationship yields a significant (p \u00ab .005) correlation \ncoefficient of r=0.749 averaged over 10 runs of the network. \n\nIn  order to understand this relationship better, we divided the learned words into five  per(cid:173)\ncentile groups depending upon AoA. Figure 2 shows the average SSE for each group plotted \nover epoch number. The line with the least average SSE corresponds to the earliest acquired \nquintile while the line with the highest average SSE corresponds to  the last acquired quin(cid:173)\ntile.  From  this  graph  we  can  see  that  the  average  SSE for earlier learned patterns  stays \nbelow errors for late learned patterns.  This  is  true from the  outset of learning as  well  as \nwhen the error starts to decrease less rapidly as  it asymptotically approaches some lowest \nerror limit.  We sloganize this result as  \"the patterns that get to the weights first,  win.\" \n\n3  Experiment 2:  Do AoA effects survive a frequency manipulation? \n\nHaving  displayed  that  AoA  effects  are  present in  connectionist networks,  we  wanted  to \ninvestigate the interaction with frequency.  We  model  the frequency distribution of inputs \nafter  the  known  English  spoken  word  frequency  in  which  very  few  words  appear  very \noften while a very large portion of words appear very seldom (Zipf's law).  The frequency \ndistribution  we  used  (presentation probability= 0.05 +  0.95 * ((1  -\n(l.O/numinputs) * \ninpuLnumber) +0.05)10) is presented in Figure 3 (a true version of Zipf's law still shows \nthe result).  Otherwise, all parameters are the same as Exp.  1. \n\n3.1  Results \nResults  are  plotted  in  Figure  4.  Here  we  find  again  a  very  strong  and  significant  (p  \u00ab \n0.005)  correlation between  the  age  at  which  an  input is  learned  and  its  naming  latency. \nThe correlation coefficient averaged over 10 runs is 0.668. This fits  very well with known \ndata.  Figure 5 shows how the frequency of presentation of a given stimulus correlates with \n\n\fNamU\"lgLatoocyvs  Ff\"'loonc'f \n\nFflllqU9flC'f'VS  AgeofA<:qlllslOOn \n\nh9QOOflCll \n\n+ \n\nfrOCJllOnc'f 'C9'GSSlOn -\n\n1 8 \n\n+ + \n\n! \n\n1 6 \n\n: \n\n~  14000 \n\n~  10000 \n\ni  12000 \ni 8000 \n\n.. .. \n\n..... .. \n\n... \n\n:+ .. \n\nLi. \n\n11000 \n\n.:-\n\n4000  ~5t +:t \n~OO~.~. ~. \n, \no \n\n2000 \n\n4DOO \n\n6000 \n\nFf~ ofAppe\"n ... \"\" \n\nFigure 5:  Exp.  2 Frequency vs.  SSE \n\nFigure 6:  Exp.  2 AoA vs.  Frequency \n\nnaming  latency.  We  find  that the  best fitting  correlation is  an  exponential  one in  which \nnaming  latency  correlates  most strongly  with  the  log  of the frequency.  The  correlation \ncoefficient averaged  over  10 runs  is  significant (p  \u00ab  0.005) at -0.730.  This  is  a  slightly \nstronger correlation than is found in the literature. \n\nFinally, figure 6 shows how frequency and AoA are related.  Again, we find a significant (p \n< 0.005) correlation coefficient of -0.283 averaged over 10 runs.  However, this is a much \nweaker correlation than is found in the literature.  Performing a multiple regression with the \ndependent variable as SSE and the two explaining variables as  AoA and log frequency, we \nfind that both AoA and log frequency contribute significantly (p\u00ab 0.005 for both variables) \nto  the regression equation.  Whereas AoA  correlates with SSE at 0.668 and log frequency \ncorrelates with SSE at -0.730, the multiple correlation coefficient averaged over 10 runs is \n0.794. AoA and log frequency each make independent contributions to naming latency. \n\nWe  were  encouraged  that  we  found  both  effects  of frequency  and  AoA  on  SSE  in  our \nmodel, but were surprised by the small size of the correlation between the two.  The naming \nliterature  shows  a  strong  correlation between  AoA  and  frequency.  However,  pilot work \nwith  a  smaller network showed  no frequency  effect,  which was  due to  the  autoencoding \ntask in  a network where the patterns  filled  20%  of the  input space  (200 random patterns \nin a 10-8-10 network, with  1024 patterns possible).  This suggests that autoencoding is  not \nan  appropriate task to  model  naming, and would give rise  to  the low  correlation between \nAoA and frequency.  Indeed, English spellings and their corresponding sounds are certainly \ncorrelated, but not completely consistent, with many exceptional mappings. Spelling-sound \nconsistency has  been shown to have a significant effect on naming latency (Jared, McRae, \n&  Seidenberg,  1990).  Object naming,  another task in  which  AoA  effects  are found,  is  a \ncompletely arbitrary mapping. Our third experiment looks at the effect that consistency of \nour mapping task has on AoA and frequency effects. \n\n4  Experiment 3:  Consistency effects \n\nOur model in this  experiment is  identical to  the  previous model except for two  changes. \nFirst,  to  encode mappings with varying degrees of consistency, we needed to  increase the \nnumber of hidden units to  50, resulting in a 20-50-20 architecture. Second, we found that \nsome patterns would end up  with  one bit off,  leading to  a bimodal  distribution  of SSE's. \nWe thus used cross-entropy error to ensure that all bits would be learned. \n\nEleven levels of consistency were defined; from  100% consistent, or autoencoding; to 0% \nconsistent,  or a mapping from  one random 20 bit vector to  another random 20 bit vector. \nNote that in a 0% consistent mapping, since each bit as  a 50% chance of being on, about \n50% of the bits will be the same by chance. Thus an intermediate level of 50% consistency \nwill have on average 75% of the corresponding bits equal. \n\n\fCom:rlahonStrOO!1hvs  MappmgConSlSt<lOCy \n\nVlIr1ableSognificanoo vsConsIstency \n\nI \n\nI \n\n.~ , \n\n.... \n\nlOO(hequency) \n\n\"\"' (cid:173)\n\nh>A a nd RMSE \n\nIog fr\"\"\",ncyandRMSE(cid:173)\n\nt\" (Iog flO<tJ(lncyandAoA) \n\n,,, .. ,\"\" \n\nAO \n60 \nMaJlI'IngCon ... teooy \n\n. \",. \n\n' .L ~~L-~~~--~----~--~, oo \n\nAlItoencodlng \n\nArbitrary \n\nConSIstency \n\nA.-.oodong \n\nFigure 7:  Exp.  3 R-values vs. Consistency  Figure 8:  Exp.  3 P-values vs.  Consistency \n\n4.1  Results \n\nUsing this  scheme,  ten runs  at each  consistency level  were performed.  Correlation coef(cid:173)\nficients  between  AoA  and  naming latency  (RMSE), log(frequency) and  naming  latency, \nand  AoA  and log(frequency) were examined.  These results  can be found  in  Figure 7.  It \nis  clear that AoA exhibits a strong effect on  RMSE at all levels of consistency, peaking at \na fully  consistent mapping.  We  believe that this  may  be due to the  weaker effect of fre(cid:173)\nquency when all  patterns are consistent, and each pattern is  supporting the same mapping. \nFrequency also shows a strong effect on RMSE at all levels of consistency, with its influ(cid:173)\nence being lowest in the autoencoding task, as expected. Most interesting is the correlation \nstrength between AoA  and frequency across consistency levels . While we do not yet have \na good explanation for the dip in correlation at the 80-90% level of consistency, it provides \na possible explanation of the multiple regression data we describe next. \n\nMultiple  regressions  with  the  dependent  variable  as  error  and  explaining  variables  as \nlog(frequency) and  AoA  were performed.  In Figure 8,  we plot the negative log of the p(cid:173)\nvalue of AoA and log(frequency) in the regression equation over consistency levels.  Most \nnotable is  the finding that AoA is  significant at extreme levels at all levels of consistency. \nA  value  of 30 on  this  plot  corresponds  to  a  p-value  of 10-30 .  Significance  of log  fre(cid:173)\nquency has a more complex interaction with consistency.  Log frequency does not achieve \nsignificance in  determining SSE until  the patterns  are  almost 40%  consistent.  For more \nconsistent mappings, however, significance increases dramatically to a P-value of less than \n10-10 and then declines toward autoencoding. The data which may help us to explain what \nwe see in Figure 8 actually lies in Figure 7.  There is a relationship between log frequency \nsignificance  and  the correlation  strength between  AoA  and log frequency.  As  AoA  and \nfrequency become less correlated, the significance of frequency increases, and vice-versa. \nTherefore, as  frequency and AoA become less correlated, frequency is  able to begin mak(cid:173)\ning an independent contribution to the SSE of the network.  Such interactions may explain \nthe sometimes inconsistent findings in the literature; depending upon the task and the indi(cid:173)\nvidual items in the stimuli, different levels of consistency of mapping can affect the results. \nHowever, each of these points represent an average over a set of networks with one average \nconsistency value.  It is  doubtful that any  natural mapping,  such as  spelling to  sound, has \nsuch a uniform distribution. We rectify this in the next experiment. \n\n5  Experiment 4:  Modelling spelling-sound correspondences \n\nOur final  experiment is an abstract simulation of learning to read, both in terms of word fre(cid:173)\nquency and spelling-sound consistency.  Most English words are considered consistent in \ntheir spelling-sound relationship.  This depends on whether words in their spelling \"neigh(cid:173)\nborhood\" agree with  them in pronunciation, e.g.,  \"cave,\" \"rave,\" and \"pave.\"  However, a \nsmall but important portion of our vocabulary consists of inconsistent words, e.g., \"have.\" \n\n\fFroquoncyolConsl&IOOIandlnoonSiSlOnlPMtOmsvs  SSE \n\nInco,,\",stonlPaltems (cid:173)\nCooslstonlPl!lloms \n\nInoon5lstonlPl!llems (cid:173)\nConSistontPliftorns \n\n. lnw'Fr\"'l \n\nFr\"'lOO\"\"\" \n\n, \n\nHg:.Fr\"'l \n\nFigure 9:  Exp.  4 Consistency vs.  frequency \n\nFigure 10: Exp.  4 Consistency AoA \n\nThe reason  that \"have\" continues to be pronounced inconsistently  is  because it is  a very \nfrequent word.  Inconsistent words have the property that they  are  on  average much  more \nfrequent than consistent words although there are far more consistent words by number. \n\nTo  model  this  we  created  an  input corpus  of 170  consistent  words  and  30  inconsistent \nwords.  Inconsistent  words  were  arbitrarily  defined  as  50% consistent,  or an  average  of \n5 bit  flips  in  a  20 bit pattern;  consistent  words  were  modeled  as  80% consistent,  or an \naverage  of 2  bit  flips  per pattern.  The  30  inconsistent  words  were  presented  with  high \nfrequencies  corresponding to  the  odd  numbered  patterns  (1..59)  in  Figure  3.  The  even \nnumbered patterns from  2 to  60  were the consistent words.  The remaining patterns  were \nalso consistent.  This allowed us  to compare consistent and inconsistent words in the same \nfrequency range,  controlling for  frequency in  a much  cleaner manner than is  possible in \nhuman subject experiments. The network is identical to the one in Experiment 3. \n\n5.1  Results \n\nWe  first  analyzed the  data for  the  standard consistency by  frequency  interaction.  We  la(cid:173)\nbeled  the  15  highest frequency  consistent and  inconsistent patterns  as  \"high frequency\" \nand the next 15 of each as the \"low frequency\" patterns, in order to get the same number of \npatterns in  each cell, by design.  The results are shown in  Figure 9, and show the standard \ninteraction.  More  interestingly, we  did  a post-hoc median  split of the  patterns based  on \ntheir AoA, defining them as  \"early\" or \"late\" in this way,  and then divided them based on \nconsistency.  This is  shown in Figure  10.  An ANOVA using unequal cell size corrections \nshows a significant (p < .001) interaction between AoA and consistency. \n\n6  Discussion \n\nAlthough the possibility of Age of Acquisition effects in connectionist networks has been \ndoubted,  we  found  a  very  strong,  significant,  and  reproducible  effect of AoA  on  SSE, \nthe  variable most often used  to  model  reaction time,  in  our networks.  Patterns which  are \nlearned in earlier epochs consistently show lower final error values than their late acquired \ncounterparts. In this study, we have shown that this effect is present across various learning \ntasks, network topologies, and frequencies . Informally, we have found AoA effects across \nmore network variants than  reported here,  including different learning rates,  momentum, \nstopping criterion,  and  frequency  distributions.  In fact,  across  all runs  we conducted for \nthis  study,  we  found  strong  AoA effects, provided the network was  able to  learn its  task. \nWe believe that this is because AoA is an intrinsic property of connectionist networks. \n\nWe  have  performed  some  preliminary  analyses  concerning  which  patterns  are  acquired \nearly.  Using the setup of Experiment 1, that is, autoencoded 20 bit patterns, we have found \nthat the patterns that are most correlated with the other patterns in  the training set tend to \n\n\fbe the earliest acquired, with r2  = 0.298.  (We should note that interpattern correlations are \nvery small, but positive, because no bits are negative).  Thus patterns that are most consis(cid:173)\ntent with the training set are learned earliest. We have yet to investigate how this generalizes \nto arbitrary mappings, but, given the results of Experiment 4, it makes sense to predict that \nthe  most frequent,  most consistently mapped patterns  (e.g.,  in the largest  spelling-sound \nneighborhood) would be the earliest acquired, in the absence of other factors. \n\n7  Future Work \n\nThis  study used  a  very  general network and  learning task to demonstrate AoA effects in \nconnectionist networks. There is therefore no reason to suspect that this effect is limited to \nwords, and indeed, AoA effects have been found in face recognition.  Meanwhile, we have \nnot investigated the interaction of our simple model of AoA effects with  staged presenta(cid:173)\ntion.  Presumably words acquired late are fewer in number, and Ellis &  Lambon-Ralph (in \npress)  have  shown that they  must be extremely frequent to  overcome their lateness.  Our \nresults suggest that patterns that are most consistent with earlier acquired mappings would \nalso  overcome their lateness.  We  are  particularly  interested in  applying  these  ideas  to  a \nrealistic model English reading acquisition, where actual consistency effects can be mea(cid:173)\nsured in the context of friend/enemy ratios in a neighborhood.  Finally,  we would like to \nexplore whether the AoA effect is  universal in  connectionist networks,  or if under some \ncircumstances AoA effects are not observed. \n\nAcknowledgements \n\nWe would like to thank the Elizabeth Bates for alerting us to the work of Dr.  Andrew Ellis, \nand for the latter for providing us  with a copy of Ellis &  Lambon-Ralph (in press). \n\nReferences \n\n[1]  Brown,  G.D.A  &  Watson,  EL.  (1987)  First in, first  out:  Word  learning  age  and  spoken  word \nfrequency as predictors of word familiarity and naming latency.  Memory &  Cognition,  15:208-216 \n\n[2]  CarroJl,  J.B.  &  White,  M.N.  (1973).  Word  frequency  and  age  of acquisition  as  determiners  of \npicture-naming latency.  Quarterly Journal of Psychology,  25 pp.  85-95 \n\n[3]  Ellis, AW. &  Morrison, C.M.  (1998).  Real age of acquisition effects in lexical retrieval.  Journal \nof Experimental Psychology:  Learning, Memory,  &  Cognition,  24 pp.  515-523 \n\n[4]  Ellis, AW. &  Larnbon  Ralph, M.A (in press).  Age of Acquisition effects  in  adult lexical pro(cid:173)\ncessing reflect  loss  of plasticity in  maturing  systems:  Insights  from  connectionist  networks.  JEP: \nLMC. \n\n[5]  Gerhand, S.  &  Barry, C.  (1998).  Word frequency  effects in oral reading are not merely Age-of(cid:173)\nAcquisition effects in disguise.  JEP:LMC,  24 pp.  267-283. \n\n[6]  Gerhand,  S.  &  Barry,  C.  (1999).  Age  of acquisition  and  frequency  effects  in  speeded  word \nnaming.  Cognition,  73 pp.  B27-B36 \n\n[7]  Jared,  D.,  McRae,  K.,  &  Seidenberg,  M.S.  (1990).  The Basis  of Consistency Effects in  Word \nNaming.  JML,  29pp. 687-715 \n\n[8]  Morrison,  C.M.,  Ellis,  AW.  &  Quinlan,  P.T.  (1992).  Age  of acquisition,  not  word  frequency, \naffects object naming, nor object recognition.  Memory  &  Cognition,  20 pp.  705-714 \n\n[9]  Morrison, C.M. &  Ellis, AW. (1995).  Roles of Word Frequency and Age of Acquisition in Word \nNaming and Lexical Decision.  JEP:LMC, 21  pp.  116-133 \n\n[10]  Oldfield, R.C. & Wingfield, A  (1965) Response latencies in naming objects.  Quarterly Journal \nof Experimental Psychology 17, pp.  273-281. \n\n\f", "award": [], "sourceid": 1796, "authors": [{"given_name": "Mark", "family_name": "Smith", "institution": null}, {"given_name": "Garrison", "family_name": "Cottrell", "institution": null}, {"given_name": "Karen", "family_name": "Anderson", "institution": null}]}